La précarité est la condition que plusieurs nouveaux mouvements sociaux combattent. De tels mouvements ne tentent pas de dépasser l’interdépendance ni même la vulnérabilité quand ils combattent la précarité; ils tentent plutôt de produire les conditions dans lesquelles la vulnérabilité et l’interdépendance deviendront vivables. Il s’agit d’une politique dans laquelle l’action performative prend des formes incarnées et plurielles en attirant l’attention critique sur les conditions de survie corporelles et du bien-être dans le cadre d’une démocratie radicale. Si je dois vivre une vie bonne, ce sera une vie bonne vécue avec les autres, une vie qui ne serait pas une vie sans ces autres. Je ne perdrai pas ce moi que je suis ; qui que je sois, mon moi sera transformé par mes relations avec les autres, puisque ma dépendance à l’égard de l’autre, est l’essence même de cette dépendance sont nécessaires pour vivre et vivre bien. Notre exposition commune à la précarité constitue le terrain partagé d’une égalité potentielle et nos obligations réciproques de produire ensemble des conditions de vie vivables. En reconnaissant le besoin que nous avons les uns des autres, nous reconnaissons tout aussi bien les principes de base qui informent les conditions sociales, démocratiques de ce que nous pourrions continuer à appeler la "vie bonne". Ce sont les conditions critiques de la vie démocratique, au sens où elles appartiennent bien à la crise en cours mais aussi au sens où elles appartiennent à une forme de pensée et d’action qui répond aux urgences de notre temps.
Judith Butler, Qu'est-ce qu'une vie bonne?, Manuels Payot, 2014.
Yala Kisukidi et Souleymane Bachir Diagne / [decryptcult] # 6 / Février 2014 (par decryptimages)
In this Race, Crime & Citizenship Symposium about the role of prisons in the criminal “justice” system, scholar and commentator Kimberle Williams Crenshaw explores the presence of a large race-, and gender-based prison system shaping understandings of citizenship. Series: “Voices” [8/2006] [Public Affairs] [Show ID: 11879]
RAMM:∑LL:Z∑∑
Weekend Lagos night vibes. #lagos #nigeria #shrine #everydayafrica #personalshots #yagazieemezi (at THE NEW AFRIKA SHRINE)
I am not exotic - I am exhausted
Yto Barrada (via manufactoriel)
Morocco’s ‘My name is not Negro’ campaign
According to an AlJazeera report Sub-Saharan Africans are most vulnerable to attacks in North African countries not just because of their skin colour but also because being black is associated with being undocumented and hence being a threat to people’s safety. In people’s minds, black skin equals undocumented. We see it with the case of Toussaint Mianzoukouta, a Congolese teacher who had his papers and was arrested by accident and then killed while being transported by the authorities. Activist Dhoruba Bin-Wahad had this to say about the current relationship between Sub-Saharan Africans and North African Arabs.
"Much of North Africa’s Arab population exhibit anti-Black and anti-Sub-Sahara African prejudice and behave in a condescending and arrogant fashion when dealing with Black Africans - even though many of them are of darker complexion than those they’re hating on! This is true in Egypt, Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya, and especially true of the Wahabi Saudis. Which tell you that "skin" color is really not the basis for Arab ignorance but history and the geopolitics of conquests and empire. The attitudes exhibited by Arab Morrocans toward Black Africans is also alive and well right here in the US among the immigrant Muslim Arab population, who’s leaders, mostly from well off or educated backgrounds back in their country of origin, redly congregate in exclusive enclaves that wholly identify with the institutional racism of Law enforcement, and Businesses that exploit poor working class communities of color. Their contempt for Africans is thinly veiled but rears is ugly face whenever African-Americans challenge racism and the violence of the Police State, and often times their distain is barely detectable until there is a crisis that threatens their position in White supremacist America’s hierarchy of Racial worth, i.e., "Rag-heads" and "camel-jockeys" are barely a step up from "Niggers" and "Wetback" Mexicans. Nonetheless, in the US the economic, racial, and cultural division and class struggles that permeate the America’s Muslim population, (a minority of whom are actually of North African Arab origin) are papered over with an almost satis and subservient Islamic facade that does not engage America’s institutional racism - in fact encourage collaboration with and respect of "those in power over you". A principle that would have never served Africa’s enslaved in America well - but which suits institutional racism and the Rich"
A Moroccan campaign that denounces racism against black people has stirred significant controversy about the integration of migrants into the North African country.
Last month, the anti-racism collective, Papers for All launched a traditional- and social-media blitz, with photos, banners and T-shirts reading “Massmytich Azzi” (“My name is not Negro,” in Moroccan Arabic). The campaign came just a few months after the Moroccan government, which has been widely criticised over its treatment of sub-Saharan Africans, launched an initiative to document migrants.
Last year, a number of migrants died after being subjected to police brutality or racist acts, prompting human rights groups to intensify their efforts to force the government to act and sensitise Moroccans to the issue.
Photo-A.P
Read more- www.aljazeera.com/english
"Of whom and of what are we contemporaries? And, first and foremost, what does it mean to be contemporary?" Giorgio Agamben, Qu’est-ce que le contemporain?, Paris, Rivages, 2008. Photo: Icarus 13, Kiluanji Kia Henda
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