Latest Posts by labrador44 - Page 2

At the Duplays’, Robespierre’s life and surroundings were comfortable, respectable, eminently bourgeois; and he was pampered by his adoring hosts. He did not, when fleeing rumoured reprisals, seek shelter in the faubourg Saint-Antoine; he did not seek out a hovel in the bowels of Paris, where lay much of his popular support. The Duplay home was suitable to one of his position, with its respectable neighbourhood, vine-covered walls, quiet courtyard, and proper owners. He stayed on until his death.

David P. Jordan, The Revolutionary Career of Maximilien Robespierre [x]

YES!!! thank you for drawing them too théroigne is too underrated

THIS MADE ME GIGGLE TOO HARD THEY ARE TRULY YURI

thank you @labrador44 this is true peak

Most underrated duo in the french revolution

MARAT SAVED HER LIFE GANG I CANNOT DO THIS

who even cares…. i sure don’t

Posting quite a lot recently! Here’s Murat birthday post love my bby <3

Happy birthday to the King & Queen of Naples!

The 24 march 1794 due to the execution of the Hébertists

Rest in peace:

-Charles Philippe Ronsin, 42 years old, commander of the revolutionary army

-Jacques René Hébert, 35 years old, national agent near the Commune of Paris, journalist

-François Nicolas Vincent, 27 years old, Secretary General of the War Department

-Antoine François Momoro, 38 years old, printer-bookseller and administrator of the Paris department

-Frédéric Pierre Ducroquet, 31 years old, wigmaker and barber, and commissioner for requisitions in the Marat section

-Jean Conrard Kock, 38 years old, banker

-Michel Laumur, 63 years old, former infantry colonel

-Jean Claude Bourgeois, 26 years old, Mucius Scœvola section

-Jean Baptiste Mazuel, 28 years old, squadron leader in the revolutionary army

-Jean Baptiste Aucar, 52 years old, employee in the department

-Armand Hubert Leclerc, formerly chief of division in the war office

-Jacob Pereira, 51 years old

-Anacharsis Cloots, 38 years old, former deputy of the National Convention

-François Desfieux, 39 years old

-Antoine Decomble, 29 years old, secretary-clerk of the Rights of Man section

-Jean Antoine Florent Armand, 26 years old

-Pierre Ulric Dubuisson, 48 years old

-Pierre Jean Berthold Proli, 42 years old

the people demand more danspierre theyre so underrated

to the guillotine!! both of them

yes exactly! she’s summoning a big ass bird to eat barras 😈 dinner with alucard and juste at the duplay’s later

max PLEASE take her under your wing in season 3 🥲 my little jacobin darling

It's 12:30AM here and im thirsty (literally)

I love Camille tho

THANK YOU PICKS best birthday present ever 🤫😋

Bday gift for a friend :3 99% chance broskie will see this ily 🫶 dont ever make me draw Napoleon again. /j

waist???

Lazare Carnot, l'Organisateur de la Victoire

He's doing geography and looking very smug about knowing all the French departments on the jetpunk quizz.

The little girl who isn't your sister but is almost your sister.

Murat uh...im in artblock so i can only do those 2010s watercolor portraits

modern frev au but not with millennial french revolutionaires going to college... But time travel. They just come here out of nowhere. They judge our scandalous mass produced clothes, traffic frightens them, our ultraprocessed food makes them sick. they get angry at our history books, and when you tell them England is still a monarchy they burst out laughing.

fouche and collot?

they’re discussing the logistics of blowing people up

ok im making fun of the cps for being a bunch of toxic backstabbing hoes but this genuinely irks me

For a new world would come / Every once in a while

Valazé’s daughter recollecting Girondins as she remembered them in her childhood

Vatel, working on his “Charlotte de Corday et les Girondins”, was looking for someone who could evaluate the reliability of portraits of Barbaroux. Madame Letellier-Valazé offered her help. She was then eighty-one years old. In 1793 she was eight. She not only gave her opinion on various portraits but also shared some memories she still possessed.

“My father lived on Rue d’Orléans Saint-Honoré, 19. Every day several colleagues of him gathered in his house. I remember that Guadet, Gensonné and Barbaroux used to come most often. Sometimes came Louvet, as well as Pétion and Gorsas*.

Guadet leaned his head a bit to the shoulder.

Gensonné seemed to be the oldest. He had very thick hair.

Barbaroux was beautiful, excessively beautiful, superb. His colleagues liked to joke about this beauty. He was very lively, very joyful, very good. He loved to play with me, he took me into the living room, where his colleagues met and sat me on his lap if my father wanted to send me away.

He was very dark, with black hair, large eyes also black and very beautiful, very bright. He had well-defined lips, beautiful teeth, fine, delicate features, brown complexion, his beard was so black that if he had just shaved, his cheeks were blue. He was strong.

Madame Roland didn’t come to the meetings, but once she was forced to hid and did so at ours. It had a great effect on the house. I can still hear her walking in the living room and talking, rising her hands in the air.

Madame Pétion came almost every evening with her daughter, who was a charming young person.

Louvet sometimes brought his wife, but she never took part in political discussions.

Madame Roland spent with us only those tree days.

Louvet had a pretty face, an effeminate one, with which he painted himself.”

* – Valazé during his interrogation named Lacaze, Bergoin, Duprat, Buzot, Barbaroux, Sage, Brissot, Gensonné, Guadet, Molleveau, Hardy, Duperret, Salle, Chambon, Lidon and others (Vatel).

Vatel, Charlotte de Corday et les Girondins, Vol. 2, p. 399-402

The thought deserves a better bost, but i'm too melancholy now to prevent myself from scetching it. The description above makes me wonder how much a "found family" conception fits Girondins. A very extended family actualy, in which its members not necessarily know each other well or like each other, but still inevitably connected. Aulard once wrote about Vergniaud-Ducos-Fonfrede relationship "Vergniaud is a family" and it's the best description I've ever found. What makes girondin a girondin is a good question. A good answer is that there were no girondins (sorry Aulard, i'm oversimplifing you here), but I don't like it. And something enchanting exists in that very salons at Valazé's or Pétion's.

Frev friendships — Bonbonaparte

During my [sic, his?] second stay in the Army of Italy, Robespierre the younger had the opportunity to become quite closely linked with Bonaparte. During his first mission, he, like me, had made his acquaintance, but had not cultivated it as particularly as during the second one. Bonaparte had a very high regard for my two brothers, and especially for the eldest; he admired his talents, his energy, the purity of his patriotism and his intentions. So Bonaparte was sincerely a republican; I would even say that he was a montagnard republican; at least he had that effect on me by the way he looked at things at the time when I was in Nice. Mémoires de Charlotte Robespierre sur ses deux frères (1835), p. 127. Going off the timeline given in Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte (1885), it sounds rather strange for Augustin and Charlotte to have met Napoleon during their stay in Nice in the fall of 1793, seeing as the latter had left the town already on July 14 1793, being with the Army of Carteaux up until 9 October, after which he went to Toulon. Charlotte does however also write Augustin made frequent trips to the armies during their stay in Nice, so maybe an encounter happened here?

At the time when these circumstances occurred Bonaparte had just received his commission of captain of artillery. Shortly after he was sent to Toulon to command the works of the siege. About this period of his life, Bonaparte was very intimate with Robespierre the younger, with thom Junot was also well acquainted. Young Robespierre was what might be called an agreeable young man, animated by no bad sentiments, and believing, or feigning to believe, that his brother was led on by a parcel of wretches, every one of whom he would banish to Cayenne if he were in his place. Memoirs of the Duchess D' Abrantés (Madame Junot) (1832), page 76.

Bonaparte, after the siege of Toulon, was appointed brigadier-general, with orders to join the Army of Italy, under the orders of General Dumerbion; it was then, through the patronage of Aréna, that he became intimate with Robespierre the younger and Ricord and his wife, afterwards his protectors. From the time Bonaparte joined the first Army of Italy, holding very low rank, he desired and systematically sought to get to the top of the ladder by all possible means; fully convinced that women constituted a powerful aid, he assiduously paid court to the wife of Ricord, knowing that she exercised great influence over Robespierre the Younger, her husband's colleague. Memoirs of Barras: Member of the Directorate (1895), p. 148-149.

…I add to the names of the patriots that I have named to you, citizen Galmiche, judge in Vesoul, honest and talented man, citizen Morin, public prosecutor of the military tribunal, citizen Buonaparte, general head of the artillery of transcendent merit, the latter is Corsican, he only offers me the guarantee of a man of this nation who has resisted the caresses of Paoli, whose properties were ravaged by this traitor. Augustin in a letter to his brother, April 5 1794. This is the only conserved document in which Augustin mentions Napoleon that I know of.

The Emperor, for example, has told us, that while engaged in fortifying the coasts at Marseilles, he was a witness to the horrible condemnation of the merchant Hugues, a man of eighty-four years of age, deaf and nearly blind. In spite of his age and infirmities, his atrocious executioners pronounced him guilty of conspiracy: his real crime was him being worth eighteen millions. This he was himself aware of, and he offered to surrender his wealth to the tribunal, provided he might be allowed to retain five hundred thousand francs, which, he said, he could not live long to enjoy. But this proposition was rejected, and he was led to the scaffold. ”At this sight,” said Napoleon, "I thought the world was at an end" — an expression which lie was accustomed to employ on any extraordinary occasion. Barras and Fréron were the authors of these atrocities. The Emperor did Robespierre the justice to say, that he had seen long letters written by him to his brother, Robespierre the younger, who was then the Representative to the Army of the South, in which he warmly opposed and disavowed these excesses, declaring that they would disgrace and ruin the Revolution. Memorial de Sainte Helene: journal of the private life and conversations of the Emperor Napoleon at Saint Helena (1823), page 83-84. The letters from Maximilien to Augustin alluded to here cannot be found today.

Indeed that spring the friendship between Augustin and Napoleon was so marked that Tilly, the French consul in Genoa, writing to the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, referred to Bonaparte as the favourite and counsellor of Robespierre the Younger. Bonaparte tells us, and he may only be a little exaggerating, ‘He loved me much,’ and relates how, when Haller asked Augustin for supplies, ‘Robespierre would never sign anything to do with the army or the supplies without consulting me. He would say to Haller who was then administrator; “That’s good, but I must speak to Bonaparte”.’ […] Napoleon’s words to General Bertrand many years later were: ”I believe that Robespierre the Younger asked his brother to make me Commander of the Army of Italy, but Carnot opposed it. Augustin: the younger Robespierre by (2011) by Mary Young, chapter 16. Young cites Cahiers de St. Hélène 1816-1821 (1951) by Henri Gratien Bertrand, volume 2, as the source for this. She doesn’t give a source for the Tilly letter.

The brother of Robespierre, after the capture of Toulon, had been sent as commissary to the army of the Alps. Napoléon was considered as the hero of that memorable siege, and was appointed general of brigade: he was at Nice, where he commanded the artillery. His connexion with the army had brought about an intimacy with the young Robespierre, who appreciated him. It appears that the ruler of the convention had been informed of the uncommon talents of the conqueror of Toulon, and that he was desirous of replacing the commandant of Paris, Henriot, whose incapacity began to tire him. Here is a fact which I witnessed. My family owed to the promotion of Napoléon a more prosperous situation. To be nearer to him, they had established themselves at the Chateau Sallé, near Antibes, a few miles distant only from the head-quarters of the general; I had left St. Maximin to pass a few days with my family and my brother. We assembled together, and the general gave us every moment that was at his own disposal. He arrived one day more pre-occupied than usual, and, while walking between Joseph and myself, he announced to us that it depended upon himself to set out for Paris the next day, and to be in a position by which he could establish us all advantageously. For my part, the news enchanted me. To go to the great capital appeared to be the height of felicity, that nothing could overweigh. ”They offer me,” said Napoléon,” the place of Henriot. ”I am to give my answer this evening.” ”Well, what say you to it?” He hesitated a moment.  ”Eh? eh?” rejoined the general, ”but it is worth the trouble of considering: it is not a case to be enthusiastic upon; it is not so easy to save one’s head at Paris as at St. Maximin. The young Robespierre is an honest fellow; but his brother is not to be trifled with: he will be obeyed. Can I support that man?! No, never. I know how useful I should be to him in replacing his simpleton of a commandant of Paris; but it is what I will not be. It is not yet time; there is no place honourable for me at present but the army. We must have patience: I shall command Paris hereafter!” Such were the words of Napoléon. He then expressed to us his indignation against the reign of terror, of which he announced the approaching downfall: he finished by repeating several times, half gloomy, half smiling: ”What should I do in that galley?” The young Robespierre solicited him in vain. A few weeks after, the 9th Thermidor arrived, to deliver France, and justified the foresight of the general. Memoirs: Lucien Bonaparte, prince of Canino (1836), p. 42-43.

When attached to the Army of Nice or of Italy, [Napoleon] became a great favourite with the representative Robespierre the younger, whom he described as possessing qualities very different from his brother: the latter Napoleon never saw. Robespierre the younger, on being recalled to Paris by his brother, sometime before the 9th ef Thermidor, exerted every endeavour to prevail on Napoleon to accompany him. ”If I had not firmly resisted," observed the Emperor, "who knows whither this first step might have led me, and for what a different destiny I might have been reserved!” Memorial de Sainte Helene: journal of the private life and conversations of the Emperor Napoleon at Saint Helena (1823) page 85.

In the course of our conversation, relative to Robespierre, the Emperor said, that he had been very well acquainted with his brother, the younger Robespierre, the representative to the Army of Italy. He said nothing against this young man, whom he had inspired with great confidence and considerable enthusiasm for his person. Previously to the 9th of Thermidor, young Robespierre being recalled by his brother, who was then secretly laying his plans, insisted on Napoleon's accompanying him to Paris. The latter experienced the greatest difficulty in ridding himself of the importunity, and at length only escaped it by requesting the interference of the General-in-chief, Dumerbion, whose entire confidence he possessed, and who represented that it was absolutely necessary he should remain where he was. ”Had I followed young Robespierre,” said the Emperor, "how different might have been my career! On what trivial circumstances does human fate depend!" Memorial de Sainte Helene: journal of the private life and conversations of the Emperor Napoleon at Saint Helena (1823) page 182-183.

One thing that has not been reported, as far as I know, by any historian of the revolution, is that after 9 Thermidor Bonaparte proposed to the representatives of the people who were on mission in the army of Italy, and who had succeeded my younger brother and Ricord, to march on Paris to punish the authors of the counter-revolutionary movement which had killed my two brothers. This bold proposal, revealing courage, an extraordinary spirit and patriotism, terrified the representatives, who hastened to repel him.  Mémoires de Charlotte Robespierre sur ses deux frères (1835), p. 127-128.

[Napoleon] assured me that Robespierre the Younger had not always held the same opinions as his brother, and that he looked upon himself as in exile when with the Army of Italy. He informed me that a woman of the lower classes, who had been assisted by Robespierre the Younger, had been arraigned before the Revolutionary Tribunal and sentenced to death during his absence from Paris, and that on his return he had expressed disapproval of the sentence , sent for the twelve-year-old son of that woman, clothed him, and admitted him to his table; the boy feeling sad, Ricord commanded him to drink to the health of the Republic, but the lad refused; thereupon Robespierre the Younger, addressing Ricord, said to him: ”Respect such a character. You would not do as much under similar circumstances." It was easy to gather from everything Bonaparte said, anxious as he seemed to speak well of Robespierre the Younger and extol his virtues, that he had a bad cause to defend, and that he was seeking to vindicate the connections he had made.  Memoirs of Barras: Member of the Directorate (1895), p. 287. This meeting between Barras and Napoleon took place in 1795.

Bonaparte’s admiration for my elder brother, his friendship for my younger brother, and perhaps also the interest which my misfortunes inspired in him, enabled me to obtain a pension under the consulate. When Bonaparte was First Consul I was advised to ask him for an audience. I had no resources; since the death of my brothers I received the hospitality of my respectable and excellent friend, M. Mathon, who had been their friend and who was from Arras like us. Bonaparte received me perfectly, spoke to me of my brothers in very flattering terms, and told me that he was ready to do everything for their sister: “Speak, what do you want?” he said to me. I explained my position to him; he promised to take it into consideration; in fact, a few days later I received the patent for a pension of 3,600 francs. Mémoires de Charlotte Robespierre sur ses deux frères (1835), p. 129. According to the article Charlotte Robespierre er ses amis (1961), on September 24 1803 we do find a document signed by Napoleon granting Charlotte, not a pension but a ”relief” of first 600 francs and then 150 francs each month for half a year. The decree granting Charlotte a permanent pension of 200 livres per month, dated 1805, was however signed not by Napoleon by rather Fouché, and it is unclear if he did this on his own, Napoleon’s or someone else’s initiative.

Some napoleonic era memes Ive drawn including my oc

Would you like to draw Danton/Robespierre art? I am glad to see it.

goodbye hérault

What type of Labrador are you? Retriever?

precisely! here’s my dog and namesake.

Murat doodles

happy birthday camille desmoulins 💚💚

ft @labellealliance’s pinching widget

Camille Desmoulins evokes his role on July 12 1789 compilation

On Sunday, all of Paris was in consternation over the dismissal of M. Necker; I had in vain heated the spirits, nobody took up arms. At three o’clock I go to the Palais-Royal; I groaned, in the middle of a group, over the cowardice of all of us, when three young people passed holding hands and shouting ”to arms!” I join them; they see my zeal, they surround me, they urge me to mount a table. Within a minute I have six thousand people around me. “Citizens,” I said then, “you know that the nation asked that Necker be preserved for it, that a monument be erected for him: and they drove him out! Can you be defied more insolently? After this blow, they will dare everything, and this night, they meditate, they may start a Saint-Barthélemy for the patriots.” I was suffocated by a multitude of ideas which besieged me; I spoke without order. “To arms!” I said, ”to arms! Let’s all take green cockades, the color of hope.” I remember that I ended with these words: “The infamous police are here. Well! let them look at me, let them observe me well; Yes! it is I who call my brothers to liberty. And raising a pistol I said: ”At least they won’t take me alive, and I’ll know how to die gloriously. Only one misfortune can happen to me, that of seeing France become a slave. Then I climbed down; they embraced me, they smothered me with caresses. ”My friend,” everyone told me, ”we are going to watch over you, we will not abandon you, we will go wherever you want. I said that I did not want to be in command, that I only wanted to be a soldier of the homeland. I was the first to take a green ribbon and tie it to my hat. How quickly the fire spread!  Camille in a letter to his father dated July 16 1789

I like to remember that at least this honor will not be taken away from me, that it was I who, at the Palais-royal, on Sunday July 12, climbed up on a table surrounded by ten thousand citizens, and showing a pistol to those who could not hear me, called everyone to arms, it was I who proposed to the patriots to immediately take cockades, to be able to recognize them, and avoid the Saint-Barthélemy with which they were threatened that very night, and defend themselves against the regimented assassins. The people having told me to choose the colors, I shouted: Either green, the color of hope; or the ribbon of Cincinnatus, colors of the republic: and as we had decided for green, after having told all the satellites of the police, mixed among the crowd, that they could look me in the face, that I would not fall alive into their hands, I climbed down, and immediately attached the green ribbon to my hat. Desmoulins in number 9 (January 25 1790) of Révolutions de France et de Brabant

I made my provisions, on July 12, according to these words of the consul in the dangers of the republic, Videte ne quid respublica detrimenti capiat, according to these words of our general: The insurrection and the lantern do the weakest of duties. Desmoulins in numbers 24 (May 9 1790) of Révolutions de France et de Brabant

I have not failed to prove, by my example, that the opportunities to serve one's country are not lacking for the least of the citizens; because, standing on a table at the Palais Royal, on Sunday July 12, at four o'clock in the afternoon, I was the first to call the French to arms and to liberty, because I was the first to display the national cockade! Desmoulins in number 31 (July 28 1790) of Révolutions de France et de Brabant

Then love of the homeland will undoubtedly make me find in my breast that courage which made me climb onto a table at the Palais-Royal, and be the first to take the national cockade. Desmoulins in number 39 (August 23 1790) of Révolutions de France et de Brabant

Truly, when I consider this idolatry of the almost universality of the national assembly, I feel the boiling of my anger against Mirabeau drop a little. How can we believe that the author of the work on the lettres de cachet, where he so faithfully traced the portrait of kings, the one who, the day after the day when I proposed to the people the choice of two colors for their cockade, either green, the color of hope, or the blue ribbon of Cincinnatus, color of the republic, the one who publicly said the next day, they do not have enough spirit to take the blue one, the man who translated and commented on the theory of royalty, by Milton, how can we believe, I say, that he is a monarchist by principles? Camille in number 71 (April 4 1791) of Révolutions de France et de Brabant

It was half past two; I came to survey the people. My anger against the despots had been turned into despair. I did not see the groups, although deeply moved or dismayed, quite disposed to the uprising. Three young people seemed to me to be more vehemently courageous; they held hands. I saw that they had come to the Palais-Royal with the same purpose as me; a few passive citizens followed them. ”Messieurs,” I said to them, ”here is the beginning of a civic gathering; One of us must dedicate himself, and get up on a table to harangue the people.” ”Get up there.” I agree to. Immediately I was carried rather than climbing onto the table. I was barely there when I saw myself surrounded by an immense crowd. Here is my short harangue that I will never forget: “Citizens! there is not a moment to lose. I have just arrived from Versailles; M. Necker is dismissed: this dismissal is the tocsin of a patriotic Saint-Barthélemy: this evening all the Swiss and German battalions will leave the Champ-de-Mars to slaughter us. There is only one resource left for us, and that is to run to arms and take cockades to recognize ourselves.”  I had tears in my eyes, and I spoke with an action that I could neither find nor paint. My motion was received with endless applause. I continued: “What colors do you want?  Someone cried out: ”You choose.” ”Do you want green, the color of hope, or Cincinnatus blue, the color of American freedom and democracy?” Voices were raised: ”Green, the color of hope!” Then I cried out: ”Friends! the signal is given: here are the spies and police satellites looking me in the face. At least I will not fall alive into their hands.” Then, drawing two pistols from my pocket, I said: ”Let all the citizens imitate me! I came down smothered in embraces; some held me against their hearts; others bathed me with their tears: a citizen of Toulouse, fearing for my life, never wanted to abandon me. However, they brought me a green ribbon; I put the first one on my hat, and distributed some to those around me. Camille in number 4 (December 21 1793) of Le Vieux Cordelier

anyone can be a babygirl, but it takes a real man to be a single mother

Lindet after a CPS meeting: i am a paperwork processing machine and shall forgo sleep and sustenance until all the Work is Done

Hérault after a CPS meeting: right. milf time